From the series Chronicles of the new American nationalism
Edward Lazarus, a clerk for Justice Harry Blackmun at the Supreme Court in 1988–89 and chief of staff at the Federal Communications Commission during Barack Obama's administration, published Closed Chambers in 1998, an account of the work of the Supreme Court under Chief Justice William Rehnquist.
Lazarus considers that it is history and geography
that have shaped the character of the Court. The author identifies four decisive battles in its history: in 1937, the bitter clash over the powers and economic policy of the New Deal; in 1954, the fierce battle over the civil rights of Black Americans; in 1973, the struggle for individual rights; and in 1974, the ruling that marked the end of Richard Nixon's presidency.
Lazarus's supreme regionalism
According to Lazarus, the Supreme Court reflects the great divisions within the United States that precipitated the Civil War in the 19th century, the legacy of which remains in the country's political psychology: with the adoption of the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments, the victorious North transformed the freed slaves into citizens, ordering the States to respect their civil rights. With the 13th Amendment, the Union Congress abolished slavery. During the Reconstruction era, while the South was under occupation (1865–77), Congress granted newly freed Black slaves citizenship and the right to due process
. By adopting broad wording in the 14th Amendment, these rights – both federal and in the States of residence – were granted to all persons born or naturalised in the United States
. With the 15th Amendment, lawmakers in Washington also prohibited States from restricting the right to vote on account of race, colour, or previous condition of servitude
. Anticipating Southern resistance, writes Lazarus, the three amendments conferred the role of ultimate guardian upon the federal government and the federal courts.
With the end of Reconstruction, the Southern States reacted by passing laws that socially segregated Black people and effectively prevented Black people, as well as poor white people, from exercising their right to vote. The Supreme Court upheld the legality of these laws until the 1950s when, under Chief Justice Earl Warren, it decisively repudiated segregation and disenfranchisement, overruling the Southern States. The Warren era, writes Lazarus, is known as the Second Reconstruction
, and many of its achievements have been enduring, just as the dialectic between federal and State powers has remained a constant.
The Warren Court and civil rights
The history of the Court can be subdivided according to the tenures of its chief justices, although the opinions and influence of the associate justices are also consequential. Warren led the Court for sixteen years, from 1953 to 1969, focusing primarily on civil rights. No court, however, can itself initiate legal proceedings, which explains the prominent role played by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), first under Charles Hamilton Houston, dean of Howard University School of Law, and later under his right-hand man, Thurgood Marshall, who would go on to become a Supreme Court justice.
The Second World War had brought the Black proletariat into the ranks of the military, and President Harry Truman, after appealing in vain to Congress, eliminated discrimination in federal hiring and the armed forces by executive order. Meanwhile, education benefits for all veterans (the GI Bill
) boosted university enrolment, including at Black universities, to levels that the institutions could not cope with.
Amid this social and political upheaval, the NAACP adopted a strategy of organising within and through the law, pursuing cases suitable for a nationwide political battle against four types of segregation: transport, housing, trade unions, and higher education.
In 1954, Warren, who had been chief justice for a year, succeeded in securing a unanimous Court ruling that ended segregation in schools. In Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Warren wrote that State laws
did not uphold the 14th Amendment, and that it should be read not on the basis of conditions existing when the 14th Amendment was adopted, but in the light of the full development of public education and its present place in American life
.
However, the end of segregation in transport came after a 1956 ruling, itself following demonstrations by Black churches led by Reverend Martin Luther King.
In 1962 (Baker v. Carr), the Warren Court placed federal courts in charge of safeguarding voting rights and repeatedly intervened in cases of unequal treatment of defendants and detainees. In 1964, in Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. US, it unanimously ruled that Congress had regulatory power over businesses and that companies must comply with the Civil Rights Act passed that year.
Along the way
, writes Lazarus, the Supreme Court substantially enhanced its role in the nation's political life as well as the role of the federal government, sometimes at the expense of the States, in protecting the Constitution's newly established safeguards
. It had extended its remit to include private transactions, provoking opposition from the States and from businesses. Meanwhile, Congress also intervened.
The Burger and Rehnquist Courts
In 1964 and 1968, Lyndon B. Johnson's administration secured congressional approval of two Civil Rights Acts advocating a policy of active support for integration, known as affirmative action. The aim, which was shared by some of his opponents, was to build a Black middle class
. Over time, quotas were set for racial minorities in contracting, federal recruitment, and education. With all the disadvantages still faced by the Black and immigrant working class, affirmative action was grasped by the rising middle class
of racial minorities, who sought access to universities, personal compensation in the event of dismissal, and a reserved share of public sector jobs and procurement contracts. The legal strategies of the NAACP and the new civil rights organisations were also crucial during this phase.
Warren Burger, appointed chief justice by Richard Nixon, led the Court for seventeen years from 1969 to 1986, intervening on individual rights issues and playing a part in the social change taking place. He upheld the constitutionality of quotas and expanded individual rights across a wide range of areas. The Burger Court, by a 5-4 vote, imposed a moratorium on the death penalty in 1972 (Furman v. Georgia), and in 1973 recognised abortion as a federal right in Roe v. Wade, a judgment written by Justice Harry Blackmun based on the due process clause of the 14th Amendment. However, both rulings were subsequently overturned: Furman in 1976 (Gregg v. Georgia) by the Burger Court itself; Roe in 2022 (Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization) by the Court led by current Chief Justice John Roberts.
William Rehnquist, appointed chief justice by Ronald Reagan, presided over the Court for nineteen years from 1986 to 2005, following fourteen years as an associate justice. A conservative on individual rights, his tenure was anticipated as a revolution
against the expansion of civil and individual rights carried out by the Warren Court, which was seen as having also curtailed the freedom of businesses and the rights of the States.
The Rehnquist Court overturned the rulings in which the Burger Court had upheld minority quotas in universities and procurement, and scrutinised individual rights, including the federal right to abortion (Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 1992). The Rehnquist counter-revolution
was weakened by the wavering of Sandra Day O'Connor, Anthony Kennedy, and David Hackett Souter, judges appointed by Reagan and George HW Bush. Lazarus attributes their behaviour partly to calculation and partly to the geography of justice
: The three justices, progeny of New England and the Frontier, reflected the North's traditional loyalty to Union values and the libertarian and regionalist spirit of the West. In this era
, explains Lazarus, regional differences are widely assumed to have disappeared. The American population is often described as a rootless group of consumers
. Yet, according to him, regional influence
still explains the behaviour of the federal judicial power even at the highest level.